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Immigration; Enter the pain PDF Print E-mail
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Saturday, 02 August 2008

The much publicised raid of an Iowa kosher-meat plant and the subsequent arrest and felony charges against many of its workers (undocumented immigrants) has set a precedent in US immigration control practice. The New York Times, in a scathing report says, 
 
Under the old way of doing things, the workers, nearly all Guatemalans, would have been simply and swiftly deported. But in a twist of Dickensian cruelty, more than 260 were charged as serious criminals for using false Social Security numbers or residency papers, and most were sentenced to five months in prison. 
 
In a case that has also brought to the fore the role of judicial interpreters in such cases, and especially their interference when they see an injustice committed,  Erik Camayd-Freixas, a professor and Spanish-language court interpreter told the NYT, 
the system was clearly rigged for the wholesale imposition of mass guilt. He said the court-appointed lawyers had little time in the raids’ hectic aftermath to meet with the workers, many of whom ended up waiving their rights and seemed not to understand the complicated charges against them.



click to initiate slideshow
 Published here is a gallery of pictures  of a rally called to protest the immigration raid. Click on the thumbnail to start the  slideshow.

In its Editorial, the paper reports that the immigrants waived their rights in the hope of being quickly deported, after which they could quickly return to supporting their families.  They were presented with two options, either they could be prosecuted for identity theft, a serious federal crime that would lead to a year in jail before being forced to leave, or plead guilty in exchange for a milder five month jail sentence. Most did not understand the charges they faced, even as they pleaded guilty to charges which the interpreter himself says he did not understand either.

The raid has been called historic for its ferocity, but it may well be remembered as the first time such cases were taken to the US Attorney General's office directly, rather than to the Federal Immigration Court.  The consequence is the lumping together of these desperate indigents with criminals looking to defraud and rob. The move does not bode well for the future of dependents of millions such across the United States. Perhaps that is the whole point.
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written by Stephen Wanyama , August 04, 2008
Also, look at this CGD paper on migration and incomes. It is clear that incomes are not based on how hard you work, or the value of what you produce, but to where it is you earn your income. CGD paper PDF.

A rich new dataset on over two million workers around the world allows the analysis to control for several observable factors besides location that might affect wages, notably including country of birth and country of education. But just because a Bolivian in the U.S. is identical to a Bolivian in Bolivia by these observable measures, these two workers may not be identical in all ways: one of them was willing to move and incur the various costs of doing so, and one of them might differ from the other in unseen ways, such as risk-tolerance or entrepreneurial spirit.

The paper uses five independent methods to estimate how such differences might bias its estimates.

Following all of these adjustments the paper estimates that the wages of a Bolivian worker willing to work in the United States are about 2.7 times as much as the same person would make in Bolivia. This figure for Bolivia is typical among the 42 developing countries analyzed, but for some it is much higher. For a Nigerian worker the same ratio is 8.4. In other words, a Nigerian moderately-educated adult male urban formal-sector wage worker who moves to the U.S. increases his wages by several hundred percent.

The implications of these enormous differences are profound:

(1) for many countries, the wage gaps caused by barriers to movement across international borders are among the largest known forms of wage discrimination, typically much larger than wage discrimination based on ethnic group or gender within spatially integrated labor markets;

(2) these gaps represent one of the largest remaining price distortions in any global market; and

(3) these gaps imply that simply allowing labor mobility can reduce a given household’s poverty to a much greater degree than most known antipoverty interventions inside developing countries.

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