Elections are all about choosing persons who
can best represent the interests of the electorate in government. True
representative democracy dictates that elected leaders have only one duty, to
effectively advocate and defend the interests of their constituents. To act
contrary to this social contract is an abdication of their very raison de etre.
The assertion
that elected leaders should abandon their obligations to the electorate in
favour of some undefined 'duty to the nation' is not only erronous but also
misleading and not well thought-out. While the narrow interests of the
electorate at the local level may not at all times be congruent with broader
national policies, the very tenets of representative democracy binds elected
representatives to the wishes of their constituents.
The argument that members of parliament should
put the interest of the nation ahead of their constituents is therefore flawed
and inherently undemocratic. Indeed it is the very same legislators who appeal
to ethnic and regional bigotry, fanning the flames of ethnicity and division in
order to win elections. Its therefore laughable that they can now be expected
to turn around, swallow their own vomit and advocate a national interest
they do not believe in in the first place.
Onyango makes several unsubstantiated
assumptions that cannot go unchallenged. First, what is his understanding of
the ‘nation' and who constitutes it? Don't the very same electors form part and
parcel of the nation? Is the nation some entity other than the constituent
parts that make the whole?
Secondly, does Kenya as a state have a
coherent, homogenous and unitary national identity, aspirations and interests?
Do the more than 30 million kenyans, 42 ethnic groups, 210 constituencies, 71
districts and 8 provinces think as one, have the same values and believe in
their achievemnt jointly or individually at the exclusion of the ‘others'?
These questions go to the core of our national identity. Does a country so
characterised by ethno-nationalism and regionalism have a single national
identity?
Third, if indeed there is such a thing as a
single nationalinterest, what is it and
who defines it? According to Onyango, MPs are supposed to educate their
constituents on what the nation wants and thinks. Again, who is the nation? Who
decides what the nation thinks and wants? Is it parliament? The MPs? The
cabinet? The ‘government', or the citizens themselves? Is it the place of
elected representatives to define the national interest or simply articulate
the wishes of their electorate?
Fourth, democracy is essentially a bottom-up
process by which disparate interests from varying social groups are harmonised,
aggregated and represented at the level of government, be it local or national.
By arguing that ‘national' interests trump local aspirations, Onyango is
advocating for an authoritarian, undemocratic and repressive top-down system of
government. It is a shameless defense of elite politics that have continued to
disenfranchise millions of Kenyas while propping up, glorifying and excessively
empowering the ruling class. This iscontrary
to the very tenets of democracy and participatory governance.
A desire to make a substantive argument on
nationhood could begin at wikipedia, which defines a nation as a 'form of
self-defined cultural and social community whose members share a common
identity, and usually a common origin, in the sense of history...' This is where
we begin to recognise the enormous challenge that Kenya faces: do we have a
nation called Kenya? A common identity? A sense of nationhood? Are the citizens
that fill the geographic space called Kenya nationalistic in any way? A
critical review of our history since independence, brought into sharp focus by
recent socio-political events leading up to and following the last general
election may be an eye opener and your guess is as good as mine. We cant even
agree on a national dress!
What is my point then? That the challenge
facing us as a nation is enormous. Simplistic arguments such as
Onyango's fail to capture the complexity of the difficulties and the depths to which we have to go to resolve the challenge of forging a common national
identity as a people with a shared destiny. Only then can the electorate stop
thinking in terms of 'us' versus 'them' and that their interests can only be
realised at the exclusion of the ‘others'.
The absense of a critical and well thought out
diagnosis of where we are means we cannot develop comprehensive, effective and
far reaching solutions to the challenges facing us today. The result will be
mediocre, populist, narrow minded and often elite controlled and selfish
measures that only serve to perpetuate the status quo.
We need to go back to the basics and recognise
that the sense of ethnic, tribal or regional identity is so deeply rooted in
our subconscious that it has become a part of who we are and what defines us as
a people. Look at our political culture,for example the character of our political parties and their alliances.
Our hope as a nation lies in inculcating a new culture, a new sense of self-consciousness and a common identity that transcends the narrow divisions of
ethnicity, tribe, clan or region. Only then can a new nation called Kenya be
forged. Perhaps then can we know what the nation thinks and wants.
_________________
Josh Maiyo is a Political Scientist based in
Amsterdam.
Josh Maiyo
About the author:
Josh Maiyo is a writer, researcher and Political Scientist, with interests in African affairs, media, development,
democratisation, governance and conflict resolution. He has radio and TV journalism experience in Africa with
the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation and Kenya Television Network. Currently, he is undertaking research on democratisation processes and the
role of political parties in East Africa, based at the Africa Studies Centre at Leiden University in the Netherlands.
Democratic Fictions - Theory vs Practice written by Ngigi wa Kamau , August 28, 2008
Josh,
I chuckled when I read this statement: "A desire to make a substantive argument on nationhood could begin at wikipedia...". I sincerely hope Wikipidea is not your authoritative source for various intellectual knicknacks. Why not KI?
However, you also said that
Quote: True representative democracy dictates that elected leaders have only one duty, to effectively advocate and defend the interests of their constituents. To act contrary to this social contract is an abdication of their very raison de etre. .
I must disagree with you on this one. As a political scientist I am sure you're aware that it is impossible to aggregate in any meaningful sense the desires of more than three individuals where the choices can be ranked against each other- I assume you're aware of Condorcet's paradox?
Sure, democratic theory suggest that leaders ought to be true representatives of their constituents wishes & desires. But practice shows that it is impossible to collect the views of all constituents, harmonise them in all their contradictory forms, and present them unaltered & unadulterated before a contested policy making forum such as parliament. This is not to say that there is no role for representation an neither is it an endorsement of dictatorship. It is just to highlight the important role played by political leadership in shaping the fortunes of a state. Incentives on leadership are therefore crucial.
Ethnicised electoral appeals result not due to the inherent prejudices held by constituents or leaders but because the electoral systems is structured so as to allow such least common denominator appeals. The electoral system therefore determines whether parties will be issue based, or identity based.
Additionally, the idea of a social contract is a fiction we use to explain why things are as they are. However, an analysis that suggests ways of getting us out of this morass would be more useful so that we can then - as we embark on reconstituting the nation through renewed constitution making - create a binding broadly acceptable compact as to how we are governed.
Ngigi
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Kum Ba Yah my lord Kum Ba Yah. written by Mlevi , August 28, 2008
No democratic country is without competing interests along regional, social, ethnic and class divides. There will never be a time when all Kenyans will all hold hands and sing Kum Ba Yah.
The kind of ethnic bigotry and myopia we see our politicians exhibiting is due to the fact that there are no laws against such behavior. When such laws do exist, there is no will or structures to enforce them.
A pragmatic approach to ending the excesses we have witnessed is not just a constitution that has very clearly defined individual rights but the mechanism to ensure that these rights are enforced. So that the next time some idiot politicians opens their mouth to spew their usual verbal diarrhea they can be assured that they will be carted off to court.
In all advanced democracies disparate interests are argued though this frame work of individual rights. Tribal interests in Kenya can be argued as a collection of individual rights in a manner that does not interfere with the rights of others.
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STRENGTH IN OUR DIVERSITY written by Simiyu Barasa , August 31, 2008
Do the more than 30 million kenyans, 42 ethnic groups, 210 constituencies, 71 districts and 8 provinces think as one, have the same values and believe in their achievemnt jointly or individually at the exclusion of the ‘others'?
We can have strength in our diversity, unity in our regional interests. If the Coast province wants a better university in Marine techonology, is that not different from the Luo Nyanza who may want a Fish freezing plant? But dont these two different regional wants all come for the National Good-that of a country that is united in its need for efficient use of its resources to the satisfaction of all? That way Coasterians will taste Tilapia, Luo Nyanza will have Marine Proffessors! As a country, provided regional needs are geared towards developmental good, our homogeneity exists. Only when people demand evils like corruption, nepotism, and tribalism does our diversity become our Achille's heel.
I chuckled when I read this statement: "A desire to make a substantive argument on nationhood could begin at wikipedia...". I sincerely hope Wikipidea is not your authoritative source for various intellectual knicknacks. Why not KI?
However, you also said that
Quote: True representative democracy dictates that elected leaders have only one duty, to effectively advocate and defend the interests of their constituents. To act contrary to this social contract is an abdication of their very raison de etre. .
I must disagree with you on this one. As a political scientist I am sure you're aware that it is impossible to aggregate in any meaningful sense the desires of more than three individuals where the choices can be ranked against each other- I assume you're aware of Condorcet's paradox?
Sure, democratic theory suggest that leaders ought to be true representatives of their constituents wishes & desires. But practice shows that it is impossible to collect the views of all constituents, harmonise them in all their contradictory forms, and present them unaltered & unadulterated before a contested policy making forum such as parliament. This is not to say that there is no role for representation an neither is it an endorsement of dictatorship. It is just to highlight the important role played by political leadership in shaping the fortunes of a state. Incentives on leadership are therefore crucial.
Ethnicised electoral appeals result not due to the inherent prejudices held by constituents or leaders but because the electoral systems is structured so as to allow such least common denominator appeals. The electoral system therefore determines whether parties will be issue based, or identity based.
Additionally, the idea of a social contract is a fiction we use to explain why things are as they are. However, an analysis that suggests ways of getting us out of this morass would be more useful so that we can then - as we embark on reconstituting the nation through renewed constitution making - create a binding broadly acceptable compact as to how we are governed.
Ngigi